June 2009: The Joys of House Partisanship

June 27th, 2009

It’s been an exciting couple weeks to be watching the House floor.  First, there was the incident a couple weeks ago, where H.R. 2847, the Commerce/Justice/Science appropriations bill, was given a rule that required Congressional Record pre-printing for all amendments.  In English, this means that while Republicans (or Democrats, for that matter) could offer any amendments to the bill that they wanted, they had to appear in the Congressional Record at least one day before the House actually considered the bill.  Republicans claimed that this unfairly limited their flexibility, and 127 amendments were eventually filed for printing.  While Republicans insisted that they didn’t plan on actually offering all 127 amendments, the Democratic leadership reported out a rule limiting these amendments themselves—ultimately, only 32 amendments would be offered.  But Republicans were angry enough to force a vote on every single procedural question that they could come up with. Ultimately, 53 recorded votes were held on 18 June, a new daily record.

Today, the House considered H.R. 2454, the Energy and Climate Change bill.  Policy differences aside, Republicans were angered this time by a 309-page manager’s amendment not published until 3:47 AM last night.  While this amendment was considered adopted at the start of floor consideration, Minority Leader John Boehner (R-OH 8) resorted to a different protest tactic at the end of debate on the legislation.  Traditionally, the Speaker and the Majority and Minority Leaders are given as much time as they wish to close debate on major bills, even though they will officially have only one or two minutes to speak.  While this privilege frequently extends to speeches that are several minutes in length, Boehner used his time to begin reading from the manager’s amendment.  He would eventually extend the 2½ minutes he was granted to over an hour.

It is unclear what action Democrats could have taken to stop Boehner.  The only relevant precedent I could find in a brief scan of Deschler’s Precedents seemed to give all timekeeping authority to the Speaker pro tempore. In theory, the presiding officer (at the time, Ellen Tauscher (D-CA 10)) could have declared Boehner’s time to have expired, but I rather suspect the outcry from Republicans about House procedure would have dwarfed even what we’ve seen so far. Ultimately, Boehner’s mini-filibuster was to no avail anyway; H.R. 2454 passed 219-212 in the closest final passage vote we’ve seen this session.

Congress now stands in recess for the July 4th holiday. Will the partisan rancor decline after the break? I doubt it, but the House should at least remain entertaining to watch.

Strauss v. Horton

May 26th, 2009

By now, it’s not exactly news that the California Supreme Court has, in a 6-1 opinion, upheld the legality of November’s Proposition 8, which removed the right of same-sex couples to marry in the state. The most deeply troubling part of this opinion, at least in my mind, was the part holding that amendments restricting fundamental rights are permissible under the existing California Constitution (notwithstanding any federal intervention). Unfortunately, this is merely a symptom of a larger problem impacting California. The state has become ungovernable, due in significant part to the ability of anybody with a spare couple million dollars to put a legislative question directly to a public that generally doesn’t have the time to sit through a few dozen pages of legal text. With the ethical standards of modern ballot campaigns, this can result in people voting differently from how they would with a proper understanding of the given ballot measure.

Proposition 8 isn’t a bad example of these campaign practices. While the No on 8 campaign was disorganized and somewhat incoherent in its message, the Yes on 8 campaign had its act together. Notably, they informed voters that legal gay marriage would impact public schools, leading to teachers telling their students about same-sex marriage being equivalent to opposite-sex marriage. While I wouldn’t have a problem with this, there’s also nothing in In re marriage cases requiring this.  I don’t know how much of an effect the well-organized Yes on 8 campaign ultimately had, but with the final margin on passage being only about six hundred thousand votes, it wouldn’t have taken much to have been the decisive factor.

The good news is that most substantive same-sex marriage rights have been retained post-8.  On page 37, the Strauss ruling holds that

Proposition 8 reasonably must be interpreted in a limited fashion as eliminating only the right of same-sex couples to equal access to the designation of marriage, and as not otherwise affecting the constitutional right of those couples to establish an officially recognized family relationship.

Indeed, California remains one of four states to grant strict scrutiny to discriminatory statutes against homosexuals.  I’d argue that existing prejudice against homosexuals, combined with current political influence levels, should qualify under my reading of Carolene Footnote Four.  But of course, that’s not for me to decide, and Justice Kennedy rather dodged the issue in Lawrence v. Texas.

Since this is California, the next step in overturning Proposition 8 is obvious — put together a new ballot measure that strikes out the added language from the state Constitution.  I fully expect a ballot measure to this effect to appear on the 2010 ballot.  Due to favorable demographic changes, a majority of state voters should favor marriage equality in the very near future, especially if the campaign supporting it is competent.  In the long term, however, California needs structural change in its government.  On page 13 of its ruling today, the California Supreme Court noted (citations omitted):

If the process for amending the Constitution is to be restricted — perhaps in the manner it was explicitly limited in an earlier version of our state Constitution, or as limited in the present-day constitutions of some of our sister states — this is an effort that the people themselves may undertake through the process of amending their Constitution in order to impose further limitations upon their own power of initiative.

We should do this, preferably as part of a larger process to reform the problems that are removing California’s ability to govern itself.

Back on the air!

May 26th, 2009

Welcome back to the Goobergunch Political Report, now back after a lengthy hiatus.  I haven’t come up with any new and particularly creative things to do with this space, so I’m just going to be blogging on news and events I happen to care about.  Hopefully other people find it interesting.

I’ll be skinning this site and making it a bit less ugly than a default Wordpress site over the next few days. In the meantime, I’ve got a couple topical updates to post.